public here an article I published in the latest issue of "Raining Stones."
Some commentators believe that the political cycle linked to the figure of Silvio Berlusconi is coming to an end. Whether you arrive at the natural expiration of the term is a crisis that will accelerate after the traumatic rejection of Alfano by the Constitutional Court. I do not care here to make predictions. What I bring to the attention is a general theme: the left has made a proper analysis of the phenomenon that we can roughly be defined as "Berlusconi?
It is rightly said that is not enough to remove the owner of Mediaset government, but it should undermine the political phenomenon, social and cultural life that he embodies. This perspective, however, remained subordinate to the fact that the criticism has focused on the specific characteristics of the character Berlusconi and the reasons for its rise (control televisions, large availability of economic resources, ability to manipulate the electorate, etc..) To controversy triggered by the events of his casual female acquaintances. E 'was primarily Di Pietro and his party politically to ride the feeling of rejection towards the conduct of the chairman of the board, feeling that involves an important part of public opinion and democratic left. Together with the Republic (Who is closer to the PD) and trials are to define their ideological reading of the clash between Berlusconi and antiberlusconismo.
Left has tried to outline a different perspective that the fundamental objective should be set against Berlusconi output, although gradual, weakened by the neoliberal policies but not reversed by the crisis. This strategy has met with the guidelines prevailing in the majority argued that the two governments Prodi. The negative experiences of the two government puts the need to continue and deepen the overall analysis of the Italian events of the last twenty years. E 'useful anche per evitare che il dibattito a sinistra si richiuda su stesso, ponendo questioni di identità, di assetto politico ed organizzativo, certamente importanti ma che rischiano di farci arenare in una discussione fondamentalmente auto contemplativa.
L’esperienza del movimento operaio e comunista italiano dimostra che solo quando si è saputo cogliere le grandi contraddizioni politiche e sociali e delineare una strategia a partire da queste, si è riusciti ad emergere da una condizione minoritaria. E’ stato cosi per la capacità gramsciana di analizzare alcune caratteristiche peculiari della società italiana (questione meridionale e questione “vaticana”, ovvero cattolica, innanzitutto) a partire da una comprensione foundational character of the Italian state. Subsequently, the communist leadership has sought to understand the reasons and the innovative features that Fascism was introduced into Italian society. While some misreading of the development of Italian capitalism in the 60's have limited the ability to take on new contradictions. For example, the thesis that, from discussions within the PCI Amendola, Ingrao, read the Italian company mainly in terms of backwardness.
seems to me that from this point of view, this debate has been largely insufficient. While there are applicants for or against Togliatti or debates on the role of PCI, or reverential references to Gramsci, it seems that very little has been tried, even by defenders office to verify some of the lessons of method in the analysis of political and social events of the last twenty years. Several factors may be useful in this respect differently from texts such as "Americanism and Fordism", from "Lessons of Fascism" or the vast and complex stress analysis carried out on the left of the Democrat power during the long hegemony of scudocrociato.
Berlusconism should be investigated weaving three different levels: the socio-economic, political and ideological-cultural. Berlusconi must be placed within the neo-liberal hegemony that characterized the Western world since the early '80s, capturing the peculiarities, however. It 'been little noted that Mr Berlusconi, as an entrepreneur, does not embody the industrial capitalism directly and only marginally productive and financially, but mostly a form of post-Fordist capitalism.
Mediaset absorbs a share of surplus value in exchange for his role of interface between production and consumption of goods. Create imagery in the service of process of valorisation of capital. Berlusconi is an expression of Italian capitalism that de-industrialization, leaves the field of research and technological innovation (the collapse of investment) and surrenders to a subordinate role in processes of globalization? It would appear so, and in this sense, the historical bloc represented by the League and Forza Italy is the mass base of capitalism, which loses in international competition.
The second axis of investigation should include the ability to Berlusconi's use of political transformation of the political system, guaranteed by pluralism enshrined in the oligopoly models by proportional electoral majority, as well as the tendency to move more and more land policy representation from the government. In this sense, Berlusconi has used political and institutional choices largely unwanted by the forces of the moderate left. Finally
There is the whole land of the ideology of Berlusconi (individualism, commodification of all social relations, anti-communism). If this issue has found some attention in particular to emphasize the role played by the television (see the documentary film "Videocracy"). Little has been trying to understand how this ideological cocktail is filtered and accepted by the popular sectors large and heterogeneous, it corresponds to what their needs and whether these can be resolved within an alternative paradigm, based on the development of social relations and the demercificazione intersubjective relations.
have already accumulated the elements of analysis and understanding of important but I think we are far from an adequate synopsis and a diffusing capacity of these tests in order to direct the political and social conflict and of building elements of counter-hegemony. And 'this is a necessary task if we are to prevent the decline of personal Berlusconi is accompanied by a substantial perpetuate its hegemony over the country, even beyond his stay in power.
Franco Ferrari
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