demoliberali and Masonic ideas borrowed to unite Italy, unfortunately, were not put aside after having performed their function purely pragmatic and instrumental.
Dato il presupposto di questa rivista di occuparsi degli aspetti principali del Risorgimento italiano in occasione del ricorrere di uno degli episodi più salienti di esso, e data anche l’intenzione di intraprendere questo esame non per fini accademicamente storici ma per fissare anche l’atteggiamento da assumere di fronte alle rievocazioni che, in questa circostanza, si preannunciano di già negli ambienti democratici e socialcomunisti, non sarà forse inutile dedicare qualche osservazione al modo con cui si presenta il fenomeno del Risorgimento italiano, e al significato che esso ha, dal punto di vista di una storiografia di pura Destra.
Nel far ciò, riprenderemo idee for those who have followed our writings are not entirely new defenses already failing us since the period of fascism. Back on will not be inappropriate due to the fact that the point of view of a real right to be considered is still almost non-existent: it will be a confirmation of the impression that, faced with what we say, not even the members will report to the current democratic and leftist, but also areas of national orientation and "patriotic".
It is that these environments do not stray far from the schedules and formulas that can be called the "patriotic history", which we practically almost the only known and authentic text, but is essentially setting and origin of liberal Enlightenment and Masonic. A history of the Right is still waiting to be written.
So also in this domain devesi finding of our exact position of inferiority in the face of leftist ideologies. Since the crisis of traditional European civilization and the ancient regime, ie from the rise of radicalism and socialism, the left-wing intellectuals has been applied systematically to develop its own history, to serve as background for its share of turmoil social and political subversion. And in that regard, it has been able to bring the look on dimensioni esenziali della storia; di là dagli episodi e dai conflitti politici, di là dalla storia delle nazioni ha saputo scorgere il processo generale e essenziale realizzatosi attraverso i secoli, nel senso del passaggio da un dato tipo di società e di civiltà ad un altro. Che la base dell’interpretazione qui sia stata economica e classista, non toglie nulla all’ampiezza effettiva al quadro d’insieme di tale storiografia, che come realtà essenziale di là da quella contingente e particolare coi indica la fine della civiltà feudale e aristocratica, l’avvento di quella borghese, liberale e capitalistica, e dopo questa, come tendenzialità l’annunciarsi della civiltà marxista e, infine, Communist.
measured by this history, that of the other trends is superficial, episodic, even frivolous. A true history of right hand should embrace the same horizons of Marxist historiography, with the desire to capture the essence and reality beyond the myths, the superstructures and also from the flat record: but, of course, reversing the signs and prospects, seeing the essential processes and converging in the history not the last steps in a process of political and social rather than a general upheaval.
This, then, is the premise. After that, we come to our specific topic, and ask what meaning should ascribed, in the context of a historiography of the Right, to the Italian Risorgimento.
tal'uopo A distinction must first be in the Risorgimento, the appearance of national movement from its ideological aspect, in addition we must separate fact and heroic veterans themselves caught in the meanings beyond the awareness of individual , result in a larger whole, this part of the great political and social currents of Europe at that time.
the Risorgimento to the unity of Italy, and can not be here to do the job the men and movements which, thanks to a very complex set of circumstances, Italy had its unification and its political independence. This is the only aspect highlighted by the "patriotic history", with extensive use of simplified schemes and idealizing. In fact, the major successes of the Italian Risorgimento were due - as is known - more than a policy which is now called the "possibility", that is capable of exploiting the international situation and domestic circumstances, not exclusive direct action by the Italians. The unanimity of the Risorgimento movement was on the same point of view of people, especially in central and southern Europe.
In any case, Risorgimento facts taken in themselves retain their value from the point of view of the terminus ad quem, ie the establishment of the Italian State. The court, however, change if you switch to the second aspect mentioned, that is, if you look at the ideas prevailing in the light of which it acted, and that made possible the attainment of the ideas, which then had to continue to prevail in Italian political life, until the period of fascism.
Here is first of all be noted that the Risorgimento was a national movement only by accident, it is within the revolutionary movement determinatisi around a group of states as a result of the spread of the ideologies of the French Revolution. The 48 for example, had the same face in Italian movements and those who came on in Prague, Hungary, Spain, Germany and the Habsburg Vienna in the same, according to a single password. From an overall point of view, here there were so many of the advance columns of a single international front, driven by the ideology of the Third Estate, that is constitutional ideology demoliberale, Masonic, and basically, anti-traditional: the forehead, which had its management is masked. A wrong to think that today there are only international fronts - "East" and "West" - beyond the individual nations and individual homelands. That it was as early as the period of the French Revolution and in the Risorgimento of the same, this happened even then. Not unlike the communist movements are present in the various nations, only so many aspects of the revolution of the Fourth Estate which started with the Third International, and the action of the network of "cells" in the service of it. And representatives from Europe's traditional liberalism, Mazzini and the rest were, at that time, considered today as liberals and Democrats consider themselves communism, except that we used the myth of national and patriotic, and had the early stages of 'notching action given as "progressivism." Ideologically the Italian Renaissance is, in essence, like an episode of the Revolution in the Third State.
Exist relevant documents (elements of the group to which they belonged began to disclose some period of fascism) which show, to those wishing to explore the third dimension of Italian movements of that period, as they were actually things: the forces that took place behind the scenes and repeat, acting internationally having origins in part to the Freemasons and the Carbonari, the most secret part of other organizations, the unity and independence of Italy were minor things, which constitute more than half not the end. The real purpose, which the Italian patriots and idealists, the martyrs and all the others, did not need to know, was to give it a shot Austria deadly as the representative of the imperial "reactionary" and then to the Church, the continuation Roma.Era whole, the program already made, and came to light through a process of the Holy Office, in a secret international conference held near Frankfurt on the eve of the French Revolution, this indicated that the true "management" as the first phase of a wider plan.
But without taking too much behind the scenes, just look to the writings of the time to see if she spoke willingly of Italy and the fight against the alien, however, had greater emphasis in these writings the exaltation of the principles Jacobins of equality, fight against those who were called "tyrants" is irrelevant that the alleged tyrant was Italian or foreign-in oath of the Carbonari, what was said in clear terms.
Moreover, in this regard Garibaldi himself as a "Hero of Two Worlds" was a typical example: he was ready to fight for the cause of "freedom" and "oppressed people" no matter what their homeland. This confirms, for the ideological side of the Risorgimento, the meaning of that particular form assumed a general phenomenon in Italy, a jet-set who continued the momentum created by the French Revolution for the overthrow of the previous traditional regimes.
Here it is appropriate to emphasize a point, which appear paradoxical to many people today, so you get used to what we consider normal in the general framework of a hierarchical and aristocratic type of civilization is not at all: the character subversive from the point of view and had the right concept of nation and fatherland which was used during the period under discussion, alongside the revolutionary movements. Here too the Marxist historiography has been able to see the reality beyond the superstructure, in recognition of the membership of this concept to the stage of bourgeois revolution, for, as Engels said, to make a breakthrough by apritrice for the revolution socialista. Nel mondo tradizionale,che per noi è quello retto dai princìpi dell’autorità e della sovranità,della gerarchia dell’ordinamento dall’alto e verso l’alto-tutto ciò che è “patria”o “nazione”- ethnos - non ebbe un significato politico ma soltanto naturalistico:si è di una patria o nazione come si è di una data famiglia. L’ordine politico in senso proprio corrispondeva invece al principio dello Stato (in genere, concretizzatesi in monarchie e in dinastie) o dell’impero come unità sovrordinata rispetto a nazione o “popolo”. E’ così che si ebbero formazioni politiche in cui patrie e nazioni ebbero bensì il loro posto,ma not as determinants, but as a simple matter "of the hierarchy as a whole. It did not seem strange, in that same way that, for example, combinations dynastic succession for weddings, a people become a member of a State other , hence it did not feel at all unnatural, precisely because of Raised character of political principle. This situation also had an ethical counterpart: belonging to the state was tied to a loyalty, an act that is assumed free, voluntary (the feudal ties it had already been eminent form). Being a people or a nation is something instead of simply because of nature.
Well, as the term "patriot" made its first appearance as a description of the enfants de la patrie of the period of the French Revolution in their fight against the monarchy and aristocracy, and foreign allies against them, it is also clear that the use of revolutionary in Europe after the French Revolution was given to the idea of \u200b\u200bhomeland and nation: it was assumed according to democratic and collectivist tend to undermine every principle of higher authority, to begin the climb to the State and by the power of the masses-and development through a strict chain of subversive phenomena, through the "the will of the nation" brings to today's "people's democracies" as terminal phase.
Now, you can not deny the part that it is this revolutionary concept of the nation had, as an idea-force, the same Italian Risorgimento. As with similar movements in other nations, hence the "patriotism", the myth of the nation, libertarian idea, constitutionalism, revolutionaries acted in solidarity. In this context also includes the structure antilegittimistica assumed that, due to a fatal combination of circumstances and, also, the limited and non-qualification of conservative elements, the Italian unification .. This is not to make mortgages on "if" history. To indicate the opposite possibility, in terms of morphological however legitimate to draw a parallel with the process of unification that took place in Germany by Bismarck: with the constitution of the Reich - Reich of the second after the Swabian - units of traditional shooting and were kept in a higher unity, by making Prussia center of crystallization and leading state. Something similar was seen in Italy, in places giobertani, however inadequately, by a utopian framework Guelph: the ideological climate and suitable soil to come to something constructive missing altogether. We leave this point aside. A development post-Risorgimento in the sense of right was also possible, in Italy. The comeback and the Savoy monarchy having taken 'initiative movement unity, a unity achieved should have been clearing the myths and ideology, by force majeure, had brought him, giving them a purely pragmatic and instrumental. Would follow a vigorous forming, such as those centered in monarchies, through a tradition of loyalty had created the great European states. The well-known formula, which being made Italy the Italians had to be done, should have been applied more rigorously. None of that. It can be said that Piedmont, the original nucleus of unification, instead of "piemontizzare" Italy in a similar way as Prussia had done with Germany was and articulated in a strong unity, embracing all areas of the peninsula is flaked and lost the traits that still retained by force of its secular tradition. The new Italian state does not match their idea, policy, raised a symbol, a strength trainer, the parliamentary monarchy was presented as little more than a superstructure, with characters almost "private" only a representation. Ideologies borrowed to unify Italy were by no means set aside after having performed their function, they went instead to determine the political and social climate prevailing in Italy, leaving more room to forms of subversion, such as those already occurred nei gravi disordini sociali al tempo della prima guerra d’Africa e che come tragico episodio ebbero l’assassinio di re Umberto.
Infine la pietra di prova la si ebbe nel 1913,con la rottura della Triplice Alleanza(questo patto era stato l’unico passo positivo per un eventuale revirement a destra dell’Italia unificata)e con l’intervento a fianco delle democrazie mondiali contro gli Imperi Centrali. In effetti,a provocare quell’intervento non furono considerazioni realistiche:si sa che mediante alcune negoziazioni diplomatiche l’Italia, anche col semplice restar naturale,avrebbe potuto ottenere una buona parte di ciò che poi i nuovi alleati democratici dovevano concederle through clenched teeth. Actually it was quite decisive ideological legacy of the Risorgimento, the myth was "national (in the revolutionary sense already explained) together with that which was seen in the anti-German Central Powers were almost the" fascists "avant la lettre (hence, the extent to Germany feelings of "patriotic" than that they were justified against Austria).
But even here sits the distinction PEL Risorgimento: the entry into the war was, in itself, a positive phenomenon as "awakening" from climate dell'Italietta bourgeois nineteenth century, and made heroic veterans of the first World War retain their intrinsic value and should be separated from the meaning sovrordinato that had the Italian war as a contribution to the process that had to take a giant step forward at the front of the Third Estate, that democracies, with a very serious blow to our continent that still retained in terms of traditional schemes, in Central Europe.
Data taken with more than summaries, this is the aspect that presents the "Risorgimento tradition" in the context of a history of right. Now, perhaps be interested to examine the problem of the relationship between tradition and the Risorgimento to Fascism closer to a conclusion also valid for the things of today. For reasons of space non potendoci soffermare sull’argomento,ci limiteremo a dire che,dal punto di vista della Destra,il rapporto fra fascismo e Risorgimento è duplice,come duplice -secondo il già detto- è il volto di quest’ultimo. A considerare i fatti eroici e di risveglio nazionale del Risorgimento(continuità ancor più diretta e ben nota è però quella tra fascismo e l’analogo aspetto del combattentismo e dell’interventismo). Considerando però le idee,il fascismo ebbe valore,in quanto,per quel tanto,che esso fu un antiideologismo risorgimentale. Il tratto specifico del fascismo secondo il nostro punto di vista non è infatti il semplice aver ripreso una idea patriottica e nazionale cercando di accrescere la potenza Italian expansion: such processes do not connect it to any special political idea, you may have in democratic states, they will have in the USSR itself. The characteristic feature is the revival of the idea instead of the state, authority and sovereignty together with the drive simply as "patriotic", but loyalists and fidelity: though weakened by the system of "diarchy." The Italian was called to be loyal first to a head and an idea. It is not mere rhetoric could have come from the Roman symbol of recovery.
What there is to be collected by the legacy of fascism seems to us that is essere precisato in questi termini. L’associarvi la “tradizione risorgimentale”è cosa pericolosa. Il “Risorgimento” potrebbe oggi valere soltanto nei termini dell’appello di una minoranza ad una rivolta unanime nazionale contro l’attuale regime,il quale però si trova ad essere l’esponente indiscusso proprio di buona parte delle ideologie del Risorgimento e della successiva Italietta parlamentare. Per una tale rivolta e un tale risveglio, a tutt’ora sembra mancare,purtroppo, sia un centro efficace di cristallizzazione,sia il necessario clima generale. Venendo meno a questo aspetto,in fatto di rievocazioni e di “tradizioni risorgimentali”,oggi non si potrebbe aver the best current polemic against the current ones for which they are based, who spoke of a "bracket fascist", who identified the betrayal and partigianesimo to a "second Renaissance," taking the national anthem with "Brothers of Italy" , doing the same abuse of an idea "patriotic" and generally preparing the national, consciously or unconsciously, even to us the last phase of the subversion-related Fourth-wing revolution with the advance of socialist-communism, as well as the "patriots" of yesterday, while looking and calling for Italy, had worked for the revolution of the Third Estate.
Claiming that the Risorgimento the value of an ideological legacy of an assumption right is impossible. Others must be our reference points are, if you have the courage of a strict doctrine of political and policy action as rigorous.
Julius Evola
March 1959 by the Italian No 3
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