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Reflections on the Risorgimento and Unification of Italy

continue the publication of important contributions on issues related to the unification of Italy, the Risorgimento and the relationship with the radical right and moderate.

"Italy today NEED elites

bearer of a unitary culture '

Interview prof. Sandro Consulate

ROME - The Italian Risorgimento, the federalist ideas abound. Many thinkers see in this organizational model, the outlet of the national unitary process. Within the moderate, for example, well before 1861 is planning a federal Italy, as the sum of existing states, led by a charismatic figure and impartial (the Pope). To support this line, mainly, Vincenzo Gioberti, according to which the Renaissance is not the creation of a new civilization, but in the resume of the thread of national history. A reinterpretation of this short, based on specific values \u200b\u200band qualities of indisputable genius Italic (Pelasgian, Doric, Roman, but also more modern, Catholic). These reflections are the basis for a broader discussion on the sesquicentennial of the Unification of Italy, with prof. Sandro Consulate. Born in 1959 in Bagnara graduated in Philosophy in Messina, where he lives and teaches Italian, Latin and history in secondary schools. Consulate is a historian of religions and the relationships between politics, religion and esotericism. He published the book "Julius Evola and Buddhism" (Sear, RE Borzano, 1995) and collaborated to magazines "Arthos" and "Roman Politics." Home Care since 2001 publishing Roman "Books of the Grail" the magazine of historical studies and the traditional "The Citadel". It has already intervened in the debate over one hundred and fifty of the Unit with a lengthy article appeared in the newspaper Il Foglio, an anticipation of his book, With Scipio. Risorgimento, Italy's history and memory of Rome, "which is slated for 2011.

We enter now in v ivo argument. The Risorgimento was really the resurrection of the myth of Rome to the Italian nation, or, as is now increasingly contested, can be defined a simple process of expansion of the Kingdom of Sardinia?

"The Risorgimento itself is a historical phenomenon that takes quite a long time, from the 700 until 1870, and in the extreme appendix is \u200b\u200bthe Great War, to the extent that he could appear as the IV War of Independence. In this time we are in many things, people and ideas together that are very different, but the basic fact of what we call the Renaissance is the hope, initially cultivated by minority intellectuals and then by ever wider strata of the population of all Italy, national unity and independence. The myth of Rome (in the sense of ancient Rome) was not, in the process of the Risorgimento, or always acceptable to all those who wanted to drive. It was mainly just to the left of the Risorgimento and received a big boost from the experience of the Roman Republic in 1849. The myth of Rome is a Venetian-like Foscolo and Lucan as a Lomonaco in the Napoleonic era, in Mazzini, Garibaldi in, in Amari, Crispi and also in a later Quintino Sella. Silvio Spaventa, a member of the Southern Right of history, justified his project to nationalize the railroads, opposed by moderates in Tuscany, by the fact that in Rome, the streets of the state ... However, it was common sense of all the patriots, even the moderate, not too prone to the myth Alfieri and Mazzini of the Third Rome, that Italy had historical rights of the unity and independence from its great past data, and maximum size was undoubtedly that of ancient Rome. That the national anthem evokes the Roma degli Scipioni, cohorts, etc., is a fact that I already significant. As for those who believe the Risorgimento "a simple process of expansion of the Kingdom of Sardinia," can be right only if it looks after those who were the feelings of a part of the world Savoy (particularly the military). The reality is different. You may recognize the imbalances between the regions of Italy after the unification, but to see them all as a result of the so-called "director wins" is wrong: among others, the heart of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Piedmont, in fact in the Kingdom ' Italy did not maintain a truly hegemonic role, as was the case in England in the creation of Great Britain. Italy comes to the fiftieth anniversary of the Kingdom, in 1911, a total grown, and has a political, military, economic first, chopped, did not have, that no one had been regional. "

So what issues it raises, today, the unification of Italy. This country can say, today, really united?

"The problem is not the unity of Italy. The problem is bad policy, widespread corruption, organized crime and its sprawling plot with the world economically and politically. It is a grave mistake to say, both North and South, that all our national ills resulting from the unification. It would be more correct to say, especially in the South, that the unit is not cured a number of problems that were already there before: corruption in the strong field administrative, for example.

not believe that the current secessionist pressures, ever stronger, the North pose again, dramatically hundred and fifty years later, the problem of possible loss of political independence of Italy on the European chessboard?

"Yes, I fear that secession could be a real prospect. In Europe it is proved that one can secede without violence, as in the case of Czechoslovakia and how it could happen in Belgium. In the north some people think that, freed from the south, a northern republic would be a great country, able to count more. In fact, the republic of the North would ultimately enter the orbit of the German hegemony, probably. And there are those, including the League, look openly welcome this prospect. Everyone could see some television services in which militants said they were ideally leaguers subjects of the Habsburgs and so forth. "

The hopes raised by the Enlightenment and the values \u200b\u200bof the French Revolution were the basis of the unified state intertwined with references to tradition, the city of the ancient fathers. What can, however, our future horizon? What ideals of reference may, in its view, raise the spirit of unity?

«La rivoluzione francese, o meglio, la successiva invasione francese dell’Italia, portò un grande scossone politico-militare nella Penisola, uno scossone senza il quale forse l’unità sarebbe stata raggiunta molto più tardi, e probabilmente in forma diversa. Ma l’idea unitaria non è l’effetto dell’influenza francese: essa nelle élites italiane è una vocazione presente da molto tempo, e con una forte relazione con la cultura letteraria di tali élites, che è una cultura unitaria. Un positivo orizzonte futuro si potrà delineare se in Italia torneranno ad esserci delle élites portatrici di una cultura unitaria capaci di divulgare e rendere popolari certe idee, e to connect these ideas, which is the business of politics, a resurgence of the state and civic virtues, with a revival of the national economy and, above all, a real revolution in the South. "

's focus on South A more careful history revealed that, for example, and in some respects, the robbery was a form of civil war was born in southern Italy after the Unification of Italy. In the gap between north and south, characterized by high crime emergency in our south, we still bring back the signs of those events in his opinion?

"What the so-called "Banditry" was a form of civil war is nothing new, from a historical point of view. The fact is that this issue is becoming quite a trend, related to the current crisis of national sentiment. However, the gap between North and South in my opinion today should not be viewed by going back to 1860. Today this gap is increasing over twenty years ago, as attention to the south has not increased but decreased. The fundamental problem of the South are its ruling classes, which have served only their privileges and created consensus only through patronage and the squandering of public money, before national and now European. The ruling classes have anche guastato ciò che vi era di sano nel popolo meridionale, che non era affatto un popolo di fannulloni, visto che per lo più era formato da contadini che lavoravano sodo dalla mattina alla sera. Quanto alla criminalità, va detto chiaramente che va distinta dal fenomeno del brigantaggio postunitario. Se si guarda bene, questo interessò delle aree che non sono quelle storiche della ‘ndrangheta e della camorra: la Basilicata, ad esempio. Gli avvenimenti tristi di allora possono aver lasciato dei segni negativi nella popolazione, quali quelli del sentire lo Stato come qualcosa di estraneo quando non nemico».

Una certa interpretazione storica sostiene che nel Risorgimento italiano sia stata assai limited the participation of the masses of the South, especially farmers, to the events that have characterized the national unity and the Risorgimento itself may be considered, in effect, a revolution of sorts for our non-South. What do you think about that?

"The masses of the people throughout Italy at that time consisted largely by farmers. From this point of view, the strangeness in the process of the Risorgimento as much about peasants as those in the South Veneto Farmers were very close to the Church, and their full participation, in '48 in the Lombardo-Veneto, for example, obtained when the clergy take a position anti-Austrian. In the South also see part of the clergy with feelings against the Bourbons, and this explains that there are priests, monks and nuns who greeted favorably Garibaldi in 1860. At the same time in the farming world are also expected from Garibaldi, improved social and economic, that in fact there was for the peasants. But what needs to be highlighted, speaking of the Risorgimento and the South is that it is not true that the South was foreign to the process of the Risorgimento, which suffered as a deliberate and initiative from the North. As can be seen in a movie like "We thought (of which we do not want to highlight the limits and errors from a historical point of view), the South was very active part of the movements for independence, and expressed the elite, is that the bourgeoisie in the aristocracy (including the small, artisan) who sacrificed life, property and privileges in the fight against the Bourbons, and that's not entirely forgotten. I would also point out that a man like Crispi, an important figure of the left Risorgimento South, it is true that implementing crackdown on Sicilian beam, but immediately launches his own bill for the land that Sicily was more advanced than had ever been proposed, aimed at creating a large class of small landowners, and this time no more land to the domains or subtracting mortmain church but a private estate. This project unfortunately failed, along with the rest of his politica, con la sua caduta, voluta da un grande fronte che andava dai latifondisti siciliani legati al marchese di Rudinì ai gruppi industriali del Nord ostili alla politica coloniale e meridionalistica del presidente del Consiglio, gruppi straordinariamente in sintonia con la sinistra socialista settentrionale».

Per chiudere, con quali auspici e speranze, a suo avviso, ci accingiamo a festeggiare questi centocinquant’ anni di storia unitaria del nostro Paese?

«Noi dobbiamo festeggiare i centocinquant’anni dello Stato unitario non per dirci che tutto è andato magnificamente ieri e procede benissimo oggi, ma to emphasize that this result, which is totally fulfilled only with the liberation of Trento and Trieste in 1918, was made possible thanks to a suction of the minds of centuries highest in Italy and with the sacrifice of many men and not a few women who believed in a united Italy that Italy was also a bigger and better. I must serve one hundred and fifty, more than a celebration, an examination of conscience of the nation, to rediscover the reasons, the new addition to the old, so it is still best that Italy is united (with or without federalism) rather than divided. Today, then, look to the Renaissance can also provide a healthy model to the political world: in a few different occasions "Party" politicians (and the Renaissance there were different even within the two major coalitions of moderate and liberal Democrats) have been able to preface a great and unique purpose (then national independence and unity) to its draft organization of State, economy and society (although we must recognize that people such as Mazzini had to register bitter disappointment on reaching what they considered the order of priority, once it was realized in the forms of political and socio-economic wanted essentially Cavour) " .


Francesco Pungitore

da www.ildomani.it ( che gentilmente ringraziamo ) di lunedì 27 dicembre 2010

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