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A meeting of the European Left in Lisbon Convention

della Sinistra Il European site a short riporto nota sull'incontro organizzato a Lisbona ai primi di febbraio in occasione del Congresso del "Bloco de Esquerda" portoghese, partito membro dell'SE.

Juntar forças

Under the slogan "Uniting Forces" the Left Bloc of Portugal invited the member and observer parties of the European Left as well as other left parties to the conference titled “New crisis of an old system: Left proposals for Europe”, which was held on the eve of Bloco de Esquerda's party congress in Lisbon on 6 February 2009.

With the aim to exchange national experiences and discuss proposals to overcome the economic crisis, the representatives of the political forces went further in pointing out alternatives to the neo-liberal system and the need to implement policies of change on an international level.

The analysis of the current crisis and its effects in the different European countries revealed that we are not in front of a financial or economic crisis; eventually this is a structural crisis that entails food, energy, and ecological crises, and which affects the basis of market economy, i.e. the accumulation of capital.

The dimension of this crisis is becoming more and more dramatic: the closure of factories, dismissal of thousands of workers and the creation of social insecurity are the main consequences to be seen all over Europe and worldwide. Face to this situation, which affects workers, migrants, women, and young people in particular, it is essential for the Left to explain the failures of capitalism and to come up with new perspectives in order to arrest the social decline, and the “war amongst the poor”.

The workers must not pay for this crisis, as stated by Francisco Louçã of Bloco de Esquerda in his opening speech. At the same time, it is important to act from the bottom to the top and re-unify the workers, who have been divided by social dumping, delocalisation and xenophobic propaganda of right-wings extremists.

EL chairman Lothar Bisky remarked that the measures taken until now are insufficient, and a concerted European answer to the crisis is still lacking. The European Left demands concrete measures in favour of employment and social protection, Such as Increasing wages, social benefits and pensions for the workers in Europe. A re-regulation of the markets, taxes on financial transaction, the Democratic control of the European Central Bank, and the replacement of the stability pact by a new pact in Favour of growth, Full Employment and ecological protection are essential steps. A Resolution Concerning the

Crisis Was Adopted by the European Left at the electoral conference in November 2008, and can be found HERE .

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Religiolus - continuing the farce

As you all know, the film Religiolus is still out.
The posters are still around, although we can not deny the satisfaction to see that many are still covered.
Meanwhile, a press conference was done, or rather a charade of dialogue and openness. The lords of the distribution company have invited representatives of the Protestant world, the one Muslim, and Jewish. In addition Raffaele Carcano AU.

In a video on the site Republic laments the lack of the Catholic world.

There are two ways in which we would like to respond to these gentlemen:
1. probably, if you really have called someone, that person has seen fit not to participate in a one-sided debate, risking ridicule and a pilloried in the style of the film
2. we have our doubts that someone has been invited, it seems strange fact that despite our repeated requests to the house of ditribution, precisely when many denied surgery, not inviting

continue to monitor the process the film, hoping to still do something for the output tape.

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Nepalese communists: the dispute about the absence a portrait of Lenin

It is concluding the National Convention of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), currently in government with the Maoists who hold the post of prime minister was in Asia. As reported questo articolo tratto dal sito nepalese Republica , una controversia piuttosto animata ha riguardato l'assenza del ritratto di Lenin (a fianco a quello di Marx) nella sala che ospita la Comvenzione.

Controversy over no Lenin portrait

BUTWAL, Feb 20: Communists sometimes find trivial reasons for stirring up a controversy.

Delegates to CPN-UML convention, who have smelled a rat for not putting the portrait of late Russian communist revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin on the wall of the closed-door session hall, made loud noise at the start of closed door meeting Friday morning, further delaying the already delayed session. However, there is a photo of late Karl Marx, a German revolutionary and political theorist.

Leader of the Lumbini-A group, Kamal Shrestha, sought justification from the leadership as to why this was the case and refused to give his presentation for a while. Then, most of the 1800-plus delegates shouted in support of Shrestha. On Thursday too, some of those who gave their presentations had also raised the issue, but it was not raised as intensely as on Friday.

After one of the leaders of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), Amrit Bohora, said he would clarify on the matter later, Shrestha went ahead with his presentation. In his bid to calm the things down, Bohora told the delegates that it was not a policy decision and it could be a fault of the management. One of the delegates

Said There Was only Marx's photo in a poster prepared for UML party's sixth national convention held-in 1998, because "Marx is the root of communist Most theories." "Lenin just HAD propounded the Russian-style Marxism," he said. Generally, UML used to put five portraits of Revolutionaries in Its Official functions - Marx, Lenin, Friedrich Engels, German, Chinese and Russian Joseph Stalin Mao Zedong.

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Israeli elections: the comment of the Communist Party

On the recent Israeli elections the press reporting of the Israeli Communist Party which is part of the Hadash party coalition that has grown from 3 to 4 seats. The text was translated into Italian from the site A New World , edited by the Department of Foreign Affairs of PRC.

Israeli Elections: The Communist Party won 4 seats forward and surpassing the Social Democratic Zionist Meretz party.

The February 10 general elections in Israel have produced a substantial change in the distribution of seats in parliament. A Kadima, the party's center-right, went 28 seats, Likud 27 right, the racist Israel Beiteinu, the third largest party, 15 seats, Labor has obtained only 13, Shas and Meretz only 11 3. Hadash (the Democratic Front Peace and Equality - the Israeli Communist Party), has increased his influence to obtain four seats. The leader of Hadash is Barakeh satisfied with what he called a "remarkable progress".

The Israeli military offensive against Gaza and the large demonstrations organized by the Arab-Palestinians in Israel and the forces for peace and progressive activists led by Hadash, has made that the campaign focuses on two main themes: peace and security policies, and relations between the state and the Arab-Palestinian minority.

This has divided the Israeli population, leading to a shift from the center-left Zionist agenda. According to Israeli law, the creation of a coalition government is granted to the leader of the faction which is more likely to form a coalition majority - in other words, not necessarily the leader of the party that obtained the most votes.

Barakeh said Hadash will not participate in any government. "When we talk with the president, we present our vision for the future state. I think it is smart enough to realize that this vision can not be accommodated in any of the government possible." Barakeh also said: "We have only four seats, but we assume the burden of being the vanguard against Liebermanizzazione. "People were worried that the president racist Yisrael Beiteinu," Yvette "Lieberman, has realized that he should not point to the social-democratic Zionist party Meretz, but the most radical and militant Hadash, "he added.

Congressman Dov Henin said he was optimistic for the support received from his party by voters of the younger generations, and added:" On the one hand, there is a new consensus that Israel clearly rejects further steps in the peace process. In some circumstances this power center will be prepared to continue negotiations with the current Palestinian Authority, but it certainly will not make significant concessions. On the other hand, the Arab-Palestinian minority in Israel has rejected the violent choices that characterize the employment policy of the government. " In addition, Hadash and the Communist Party were able to mobilize a significant proportion of young Jewish-Israelis for their political and social agenda, uprooting the liberal do-gooders from the political map. Meretz has got some political support among the kibbutz and the middle class in Tel Aviv, but for most of the Arab-Palestinian citizens and for the left-wing activists, both Jews and Arabs, brought the message has not been sufficient.

The expected instability of the future coalition government, the ongoing occupation of Palestinian territories and the current crisis of capitalism will make the possibility of new elections within the next two years is not so remote. "It 's essential that the face of these elections, the Arab-Palestinian citizens and the leftists unite to present an alternative the growing fascist forces in Israeli society, "said the deputy Khenin." A new generation of young people entered the Israeli policy, "he continued," They are open and critical, and in the communist party Hadash and found a real alternative the old Zionist policy. "

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France founded the New Party anticapitalist

The founding Congress of the New French anticapitalist party carry this correspondence published by Australian Green Left Weekly.

France: New Anti-capitalist Party founded

Sam Wainwright, Paris 14 February 2009


On the weekend of February 7-8, over 600 delegates and as many observers attended the founding conference of France’s New Anti-capitalist Party (NPA), held at la Plaine-Saint-Denis in the working class suburbs to the north of Paris.

Less than a week before, on January 29, around 2.5 million people took to the streets across the country in a nationwide strike against the efforts of the President Nicolas Sarkozy's government to foist the burden of the capitalist economic crisis onto working people.

The idea for the NPA was publicly proposed in August 2007 in the wake of the country’s presidential and legislative elections by Olivier Besancenot, the presidential candidate of the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR).

Since then 465 regional committees in support of the project were launched and over 9000 people have joined.

Besancenot’s vote of 4.7% surpassed that of the once mighty French Communist Party’s (PCF) candidate. The elections established the LCR as the most recognised and authentic anti-capitalist voice in French politics.

Widely rated as France’s most popular politician, Besancenot, or “the Postie” as the media calls him in reference to his job, recorded a 54% satisfaction rating in the latest opinion polls, his highest since the election.

Besancenot’s strong showing in the last two presidential elections was the immediate catalyst for the formation of the NPA; however its origins lie in important transformations in French politics over the last decade.

Following a massive public sector strike in late 1995, regular waves of workers’ struggles have surfaced against cut-backs, casualisation and privatisation.

While these struggles have been defensive and only partially successful, they have been sufficient to keep alive the traditions of struggle and left-wing ideas.

Despite the massive rejection of the neoliberal agenda by the working class, the traditional or “institutional” parties of the left — especially the Socialist Party (PS) — have faithfully tried to implement the neoliberal austerity program.

Furthermore the PS has effectively drawn both the PCF and the Greens into its web, offering them cabinet posts and electoral deals in return for their support.

Their integration into PS governments has eroded the PCF’s once significant base among blue collar workers. In the case of the Greens, their image as a fresh and radical party has been badly tarnished.

In fact, without the PS electoral deals, both parties would struggle to win any national deputies.

In this context, the LCR tripled in size from 1995, growing to over 3000 members.

It also started to develop a significant base in some of the country’s industrial heartlands that had once been the sole domain of the PCF.

However, the LCR recognised that there existed a much wider audience for a resolutely anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, pro-worker and pro-environment political force.

This audience includes people from different political traditions, and even more people without any previous political identification. The NPA is an attempt to reach out to those people.

To guarantee the success of the NPA,the LCR decided it had to completely dissolve into it.

This decision was designed to demonstrate to the rest of the NPA that it would be one united party of equals, and to allow for new and fluid debate to take place in the new organisation.

As Pierre Rousset, a long time leader of the LCR, explained, “One of the worst things the LCR could bring into the NPA would be its old debates”.

On February 5 the LCR, born of a fusion between a current of French Trotskyism and some of the leaders of the student protest movement of May-June 1968, held its last ever congress.

Alain Krivine, a central leader of the youth revolts of May-June 68 and founder of the LCR who did time in prison when the organisation was banned in the early 70s, was joined by other members of his generation at the front for an emotional rendition of the Internationale at the congress close.

But the tears did not last long. The next day, as the NPA congress began, delegates spontaneously rose to their feet to chant “All together, all together ... General strike!” before getting down to the practical business of adopting the raft of founding principles, policy and structures needed for the new party.

Exciting much interest, especially among the corporate media, was the NPA’s policy regarding possible electoral alliances in the upcoming elections to the European parliament.

Neither the NPA, the PCF nor the newly formed Left Party (PG) are likely to achieve the 10% threshold required. Both the PCF and PG were frantic that the NPA agree to deal.

Congress delegates were presented with two counterposed positions regarding the European elections. The position presented by the commission established for drafting policy declared that the NPA should be open to running on a joint ticket with these parties (and others).

But they argued an agreement must first be reached on some basic common policy — including a commitment to not take posts in pro-capitalist administrations.

However, the PCF appears addicted to the trappings of office and it’s unlikely that it will agree to refuse posts offered to it by the PS.

An amendment from members in the Clermont-Ferrand region proposed that the NPA accept in principle a joint ticket with the PCF and PG, with the precise basis of the agreement to be worked out later.

This amendment was overwhelmingly rejected, only winning the support of 16% of the delegates.

For commentators in the capitalist media this was proof of the NPA’s “immature” refusal to accept the “responsibility to govern”.

Is this a sign that the media may turn against France’s favourite postman and try to transform him from charming idealist into dangerous villain?

Already there has been an abortive attempt to tar him with a bogus allegation of workplace harassment. Last year, listening devices were discovered in Besancenot’s home. The boss of a company that imports taser guns is currently being tried over the affair.

To counter this the NPA is moving rapidly to broaden its image and promote its other spokespeople.

The NPA’s revolutionary politics is likely to gain greater currency among French workers as the economic crisis deepens, hardening opinion against the conservative Sarkozy government.

[Sam Wainwright is a co-convenor of the Socialist Alliance in Western Australia and attended the LCR and NPA congresses as an invited observer.]

From: International News, Green Left Weekly issue #783 18 February 2009.

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An interview with Alexis Tsipras, president of Synaspismos

La rivista della Quarta Internazionale, Inprecor, ha pubblicato la traduzione francese di una intervista rilasciata da Tsipras presidente del Synaspismos greco al giornale Elefterotipia ai primi di gennaio.

Alexis Tsipras, né en juillet 1974 à Athènes, a été élu président de Synaspismos lors du cinquième congrès du parti en février 2008, devenant le plus jeune dirigeant d’un parti politique représenté Parliament. It was during the municipal elections of 2006 that the young engineer has appeared on the front of the political scene, where the list of "open city" of the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) won 10.51% of the vote in Athens . In the parliamentary elections of 2007, A. Tsipras refused to stand, saying he could not combine the deputy mandates and city council member. We reproduce here an interview published in the largest Greek newspaper, Eleftherotypia, January 3, 2009.

Eleftherotypia: They accused the new generation to be indifferent, individualistic, run out of dreams, and now she descends into the streets. Do you believe that this revolt will be a sequel?

Alexis Tsipras: In 1972 also was accused youth, giving it the same characteristics. But a few months later, she opened the road with his insurrection of social struggles. I think the same thing will happen now. I believe a new era has begun. The new generation is not only before but also seems to be on his shoulders the whole society. She asked for hope, work, dignity. She asked to live and not survive. The youth movement can defeat. Some on the right and left, trying to isolate it politically and socially. They will not succeed.

Eleftherotypia: This image of a generation to fight Is not marred by outbreaks of violence against police stations and police units? In your opinion, what are they due?

Alexis Tsipras: Protests against police stations, and wherever there were policemen, were a spontaneous explosion. We must seek their cause in the terrible event Exarchia (1). The murder of the young broke the vase. Let us not forget how authoritarian et combien d’arbitraire subit cette génération dans chaque aspect de sa vie. C’est pour cette raison que je ne simplifierai pas la protestation sociale et l’insoumission sociale en les appelant « violence », même quand elles s’expriment de la manière la plus agressive. Et je refuserai de les assimiler à des destructions aveugles. Au contraire, il y a de la violence quand la police arrose des enfants avec des gaz chimiques parce qu’ils ont lancé des oranges amères, des bouteilles en plastique ou des ornements pris de l’arbre de Noël de la place.

Eleftherotypia : En publiant les axes de lutte de Syriza, vous parlez de nouveau de la proportionnelle intégrale mais je n’ai rien vu de votre part sur comment ce pays sera gouverné. N’est-il pas temps que vous affrontiez cette question ?

Alexis Tsipras : Nous commettrions une erreur si nous croyions que ce qui manque au gouvernement est une majorité forte, un gouvernement fort qui appliquera la même politique. La cause de l’ingouvernabilité actuelle n’est pas la faible majorité mais l’impuissance du gouvernement face à la crise sociale. On aura le même problème si le gouvernement actuel est remplacé par un gouvernement du PASOK, ou même par la célèbre « grande coalition », s’ils la tentent. Parce qu’il est impossible de faire face à la crisis by pursuing the same policy that led us up here and went bankrupt. That is why the left does not want to serve today's alibi left perspective manager government, but wants to be an assault force to the future. In short, a force that can ensure the great changes and reforms in view of the excess of economic development models that have failed and therefore, for this reason, as the only force that can lead to a positive outlet for the crisis.

Eleftherotypia: In a few days, you will also submit your alternative political project. Can you we describe its structure?

Alexis Tsipras: There are three basic levels. With the first level we answer the question "What will we do with the crisis?". How we will shield the company, how we will protect workers, the lowest, the next generation. We describe these targets in the "15 points" that Syriza just published in the proposals made by our caucus on the financial system, our proposals on youth and generation to 700 euros. With the second level we present our strategy to exit from the crisis: the obligatory passage of a neoliberal capitalism insatiable economy needs and goods. An economy that will defend full employment, environment, social rights and will have priority social solidarity and the eradication of poverty. At a third level, we canvass the prospect of social transformation. For the world can not change without having a vision. And our vision is socialism based on freedom and democracy.

Eleftherotypia: The different development model of which you speak, how you design it?

Alexis Tsipras: We see it as a model which adopts the basic priorities totally different. In recent decades, the dominant model said that the accumulation of power and wealth by a few multinational companies could lead us to a better world. It failed with a crash. That is to say, he can neither regulate itself nor solve its enormous contradictions with some of Keynesianism. So we need new criteria for what is considered development. These criteria are: that we produce, how the wealth generated is distributed, how public goods are protected and expanded, how much do people live dignity, how the environment is protected?

Eleftherotypia: When PASOK spokesman said his party rejected a partnership with the line because he can not work with those who created the current situation, I guess it does not seem bad. Why can not you talk to PASOK on this basis?

Alexis Tsipras: Yes, it does not seem bad if you look exclusively to the right, if one totally ignores the fact that PASOK had governed the country for almost 20 years and we consider that all the evils began in 2004, when it rose in opposition. Yet people know that the debt in banks, reports elastic labor, depreciation of health and public education are a legacy of the first cycle management "modernizing" Simitis (2). For us, dialogue with other political forces is continuous and public. PASOK must, and we sincerely hope, understand that you can not move forward with the same recipes. He changes position even now. It is positioned relative to the 15 points we have published. Make public its own positions on issues brought to the agenda by life itself. He can not hide forever under the table.

Eleftherotypia: Let it another way. Is not it logical that PASOK has also its place as a partner in an urgent plan of social reconstruction? Or at least some of its strengths?

Alexis Tsipras: The question is not who will be those who will implement the plan of social reconstruction - do not worry, we will be neither sufficient nor sectarian - but most agree on is the need to such a plan. Are we going to agree on a plan for public intervention in the banking system, protecting social security, full employment and permanent, free public education? Do we all see as necessary? Me anyway I do not see PASOK open debate on these issues. Listen, the state of the economy is critical. The big question is who will pay for the crisis? Will we dare generous redistribution or Do We Implement the IMF programs of its kind, with wage freezes, restless Sunday with reports of more elastic labor, as distinguished senior PASOK are trying to propose? Well, with those that can not agree. Instead, we found and we are still together in common struggles with a bunch of people and forces of PASOK. I'm sure that will continue. You know, life and the problems are more stubborn than the staffs and party lines.

Eleftherotypia: Have you in mind of people who could oversee this new venture? Does Synaspismos Syriza and can become the axis of the current construction of a multicolor designed power?

Alexis Tsipras: What we want is to overthrow the existing political framework. And to succeed we need a powerful new pole to the left of the political system. This center will be the epicenter Radical left, but joining forces even wider: socialists, communists, environmentalists, non-inserts. And what is most important, it will integrate social claims ripened into a concrete and achievable in a political alternative. Today Syriza is already aware of social resistance and real opposition grouping multiple sensitivities. You see, this is the first step. We can proclaim all you want, but if we do not all that we can not become a current claim to power. And in the words of the wise saying: "It takes time for the green fruit acquired taste honey ". ■

Translated by GM (Greek).



Notes 1. The Athenian neighborhood of Exarcheia was the scene of the killing by police of young Alexis Gregoropoulos, aged 15, December 6, 2008.

2. Kostas Simitis was born in Piraeus in 1936, former president of the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) was Prime Minister of Greece from 1996 to 2004. His government has led the offensive against-neoliberal reforms.

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Social Policy, Zapatero has failed "

di oggi ha pubblicato Liberazione intevista al nuovo una di Izquierda Unida leader, Cayo Lara, che riporto.

Vittorio Bonanni
Spain is one of Europe where the economic crisis is hitting hardest. Faced with this, "the PSOE does not propose answers really decisive, while the PP has been hit by divisions and scandals related to corruption." Therefore, the newly elected leader of Izquerda Unida, Cayo Lara, who yesterday along with Paolo Ferrero and Fabio Amato participated the Perugia "The proposals of the European Left against the crisis of liberalism", said he was confident in the fact that the 'turn left "impressed the party can reverse the decline of recent years. "We are growing - Lara says - we are now estimated from 3.7 to 4.5% and rising."
For Lara, this is due to the fact that "we have averted fracture ', creating a very large majority on an address that" clearly assumes the centrality of the contradiction capital-labor "and aims to create an alliance of all radical forces. One challenge in its own way illustrates the peculiarities of the English case, where the PSOE Zapatero defeated the popular building a broad consensus on the issue of freedom and civil rights long compressed by the weld-conservative cleric, but by adopting liberal policies in economic terms. Now that the PSOE was seconded by deregulation in the crisis exploded, causing a very strong social malaise, IUI attests to the challenge all on its own demands for justice sociale non coniugate nella dottrina Zapatero.

In Spagna la crisi ha colpito più duramente che in altri paesi d'Europa. A cosa è stato dovuto?
Da noi è stata realizzata una crescita fondata tutta sul settore immobiliare. Negli ultimi anni si sono costruiti circa 800 mila appartamenti l'anno, quanto in Francia, Germania e Gran Bretagna messe insieme: di questi, solo il 5% erano edilizia pubblica. Una politica tutta sostenuta dalle banche, che hanno realizzato 19 miliardi di euro di profitti nel solo 2008. Il prezzo delle case è così cresciuto del 200%. Ma ora che è scoppiata la bolla ci troviamo 1 milione di case invendute, con riflessi drammatici per l'occupazione e anche per le banche indebitatesi. Si erano calcolati due posti di lavoro per ogni casa: ora, con 500 mila costruzioni in meno, fanno 1 milione di posti persi. La disoccupazione è balzata al 14%, con 3,3 milioni di disoccupati e oltre 700 mila impiegati per meno di una settimana o in corsi di formazione, mentre 1 milione di persone non percepisce sostegni al reddito. La crescita è stata realizzata tutta su bassi salari e precarietà - 11 milioni di retribuzioni non superano i mille euro e il 31% dei lavori sono a termine e precari -, senza che il governo pianificasse investimenti nell'industria, la ricerca, l'innovazione.

Eppure la vittoria di Zapatero aveva suscitato molte aspettative per il suo coraggio sul terreno dei diritti civili. Com'è che non ha able to combine with more social justice?
Zapatero has completely abdicated social policy, and now they see the effects. In Spain the percentage of GDP on social spending is 7 points below the European average. The Zapatero government's response to the crisis have € 50 billion to guarantee liquidity for banks. However, the government puts money without asking, for example, that resources to support small and medium enterprises, and banks used that money to cover debts to speculators to fuel the housing bubble. Gordon Brown, for example, is entered directly into the banks.

Yeah. Paradoxically, New Labour is the leftmost ... Absolutely. In Spain, the small and medium-sized businesses are closing without the government imposing measures to prevent it. So we submitted an alternative plan aimed at creating 1.9 million jobs. With the aim of bringing unemployment to 8%.

In what way?
Our plan is 61 billion €, to be found in part with public debt management, given that Spain is still far out of alignment with the European average, and partly through taxation. 3 The reforms implemented since 1998, 2 from PP and the PSOE, have all benefited the wealthy. The maximum rate has dropped from 56 to 43% corporation tax from 35 to 32.5% e arriverà al 30. Il governo ha soppresso anche la patrimoniale, che colpiva l'1% dei contribuenti. Si sono persi 118 miliardi di euro l'anno di entrate fiscali, cui va aggiunto il 23% di evasione. Adesso Zapatero propone di dare 400 euro a famiglia per incrementare i consumi, che significa 5,6 miliardi di euro tolti al bilancio. Invece occorre invertire radicalmente la politica economica. Abbattendo di dieci punti l'evasione fiscale si potrebbero reperire 35 miliardi di euro l'anno. Con questi, la riforma fiscale e la gestione del debito si può finanziare il nostro piano.

Con quali obiettivi?
Intendiamo affidare questi 61 miliardi alla Banca centrale, in modo che questa decida come indirizzare le risorse verso le banche così da arrivare anche alla nazionalizzazione di alcuni istituti. Insieme occorre un nuovo intervento pubblico in economia, attraverso una linea di programmazione democratica. Mirando a riacquisire alla gestione pubblica alcune privatizzazioni chiave del decennio 1994-2005, come ad esempio l'energia.


15/02/2009 da Liberazione

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The alternative left is trying to join for Chilean election The last presidential

Il giornale cileno La Segunda ha pubblicato a fine gennaio nel suo sito la notizia della riunione congiunta dei quattro canidati presidenziali della sinistra alternativa cilena, rappresentanti del Partito Comunista, del Partito Umanista, e due gruppi dissidenti del Partito Socialista. L'obbiettivo è di arrivare a presentare un solo candidato per tutta la sinistra, attuale che, per effetto di elettorale's particularly ingiusto system, if Parliament trova dal lock. Left

signs agreement to raise extra-single candidate

Tuesday January 27, 2009

Source: Online Second

In their first joint appearance, the four presidential candidates officially sealed progressive sector pact work in these presidential and future. Called for the completion of a Programmatic Convention, which would be later than the first week of April, for the construction of a platform of government. They are also open to a deal instrumental con el oficialismo para terminar con la exclusión de una vez por todas.

Tras un comunicado leído por la secretaria general de la Izquierda Cristiana, Bernarda Pérez, en el vestíbulo del cine Arte Alameda, los presidenciables Tomás Hirsch, Guillermo Teillier, Alejandro Navarro y Jorge Arrate, rubricaron un compromiso adquirido hace un tiempo con el sector extraparlamentario, levantar un candidato presidencial único del sector.

"Este es un acto de respuesta a una esperanza y aspiración que nos hace el pueblo. Hoy le estamos diciendo al país que la Izquierda continuará trabajando en forma unitaria y va a levantar candidatura presidencial única", señaló Tomás Hirsch, candidato humanist, adding that "we will also work to end exclusion, and there is a representation of this sector in Parliament. We want this be achieved by legal means, but obviously this has been lacking will for reform and end to the binomial system, "he said.

Text We pledge to the people of Chile invited the construction of a popular expression as an alternative to the right and the Government, and summarized the political and social needs of the country to open the path of hope for workers and excluding national majorities. "

also committed to quickly define the mechanism to identify and support the single candidate and unitary "we assume the historical challenge of putting all the wills in pursuit of the unity of left forces, popular and progressive," the letter reproduced closed this morning.

"We will in December, a strong and democratic alternative to the country and the world. Let's have a program that will not only elections, but it will be a fighting tool that identifies the people. We a great future ahead and in December the big winners are going to be us, "said the president of PC, Guillermo Teillier.

As Senator Alejandro Navarro, denied speculations on dissent in the form of selecting a single candidate and endorsed the need to reach an agreement with their counterparts.

"There is a strong political wear, we touch the heart and offer a hand, incorporate and involve, demand commitment of 52% of Chileans who do not identify with either the coalition or with the Alliance. The Left is here to say this, we want a single candidate, a program and an instrument to govern effectively Chile, practical and honest. " Conjectures

also denied Hirsch and Teillier, likely to seek more democratic format, but also may be viable: "Humanists have never said that we are against a primary. We like it because it is participatory, open, democratic and inclusive. It is very interesting possibility, but we also understand that it is tremendously complex and expensive. There is the option of a convention, political agreement and a meeting, and we must not be fear of such possibilities, "said Thomas Hirsch.

Finally, the Socialist Jorge Arrate, attended only a few minutes to the meeting due to the death of a familiar, but it was leaving the stamp of his commitment to the process and their support saying "Whatever the candidate of the Left, if I'm not going to have my strongest support."

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Congress Izquierda Unida

In November last year was held at the Congress of Izquierda Unida. Carry on the subject, although with some delay, as written comment from Alfio Nicotra of the PRC on the website A New World. The tone is rather pessimistic. It must be said that after IU was able to elect a coordinator in the shape of Cayo Lara, a militant of the Communist Party. The management is unified, but the political coalition has definitely shifted to the left.

Alfio Nicotra

The only thing clear is that in Spain in recent years, neither in parliament nor in society, this was an alternative to the left. La linea maggioritaria che ha guidato Izquierda Unida è stata molto chiara: associarsi alla vittoria di Zapatero, condizionarlo da sinistra e, da quella posizione, recuperare la forza elettorale di IU.

I risultati sono sotto gli occhi di tutti. IU ha subito un forte arretramento elettorale a causa di una doppia emorragia: il voto utile frutto della polarizzazione bipartitista e l’astensione di una parte importante della sua base elettorale come espressione di rifiuto di una politica subalterna con il governo del PSOE, così come la prolungata smobilitazione a causa dell’assenza di una autentica opposizione di sinistra nelle istituzioni e nelle piazze”. Sembra la fotografia dell’ultimo congresso nazionale del Prc. E’ instead of an excerpt of the document Congress number two, that referring to the English Communist Party, which won a majority on the Ninth Assembly of the Federal Izquierda Unida, celebrated on November 15 and 16, to Vaciomadrid, a common part of the belt red capital.

a Congress that was resolved with no winner and won, he did talk about "bad Italian for IU." The third national political force in the country - hence the bipartisanship is more advanced than here, only scratched here and there by some regional power - is experiencing the most dramatic period of its foundation (1983). Network structure and in a federated, to precipitate the crisis is to IU stato il pessimo risultato dell’elezioni politiche di primavera che hanno reincoronato Zapatero e il suo partito socialista e sconfitto per la seconda volta consecutiva il partito di centrodestra – erede dei falangisti franchismi- del Partito Popolare.

Gaspar Llamazares che aveva ereditato la guida di una IU già in difficoltà e ai minimi storici, non solo non è stato in grado di risalire la china, ma ha accentuato il conflitto interno tra le varie anime con una posizione sostanzialmente governista.

Il rischio della marginalità definitiva è riecheggiato in tutti gli interventi dei congressisti che si sono alternatiti al microfono, così come il termine “rifondazione”. IU infatti, così as we have known in its early decades, no longer exists. Its organizational strength, far from being contemptible, but is likely to be severely weakened by internal paralysis that Congress has not come to solve but even to take pictures. For the first time in its history, immediately after the convention, it was not possible to elect the national coordinator. In the new CPN

IU of fact did not occur with certainty neither side a majority. The three motions to the conference final vote, there are further divided into five lists. That the coordinator has resigned ("For a constitutional process of a United Left Open) that candidates Gaspari Sabanés Inés, stopped at 27, 7%. The "Third Way", composed of ex-Gaspari ("Creemos en el future of Izquierda Unida) 18.8%. The document refers to the PCE ("For an IU anti-capitalist, republican, federal, alternative, organized as a political movement and social) that candidates Cayo Lara current regional coordinator of Castilla-La Mancha 43.3% of the delegates. The two remaining lists the current minority Andalusian Juan Manuel Sánchez Gordillo, representative of the Colectivo de Unidad de Trabajadores and the inside guy, transverse and left-wing intellectual Manolo Monera split respectively 4 and 5 of the representatives of the CPN in relation to an audience total of 90 components.

With the economic crisis that now eats at the bottom of the "miracle" English, with mass layoffs and the thud of the locomotive building, multiplied by the social demands of the management team that IU failed to find a common framework. The session of the NPC, convened at the end of the Federal Assembly took note of the wicked and has not read any coordinator.

is expected now that the 90 elected members of the CPN nell'assise he administered another 90 from various regional and local federations. 13 and Dec. 14 - exactly one month after the Congress-we know what leadership and more than latro which will guide policy IU. Negotiations had no power exist, it is hoped the "wisdom" in the territories and in the most vital forces of the movement. Outside the party headquarters and the company does not wait, however, is organized to respond to the crisis, with the establishment of "popular committees against the crisis" that within hours of the conference have filled the plazas of Spain half.

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Philippines formed a new leftist party

socialist weekly The Australian Green Left Weekly inform the creation of a new Left Party of the Philippines, called "Power to the Masses Party (Partido Lakas ng Masa, PLM), led by Sonny Melencio and tied to a movement of young soldiers who are inspired by Hugo Chavez. The article reporting è pubblicato in originale qui .

Peter Boyle, Manila
6 February 2009

More than 1000 people, including 920 elected delegates, attended the inaugural congress of Power of the Masses Party (PLM) on January 30. The delegates represented mass organisations of workers, urban poor, peasants, students, street vendors, jeepney and tricycle drivers, women and senior citizens — a mass base estimated at 300,000 according to PLM leaders.

The congress adopted a recruitment target of one million members in Manila and two million in the country as a whole by 2010, when presidential elections are due.
The slogan “PLM: A new party for our time, a party of change, a party of socialism” set a confident tone for the congress.

Sonny Melencio, who was elected chairperson of the PLM, described the new party to as a “combination mass movement and electoral party” that was inspired by the recent Latin American experiences that have put into power progressive and socialist parties in countries like Venezuela and Bolivia.

“We are trying to build a mass party that can lead an uprising as well as engage in elections.
“The socialist victories in Latin America were not simply victories in the ballot boxes. Those electoral victories were preceded by popular uprisings that mobilised millions of people.
“During the elections, these uprisings were transformed into giant mobilisations, but the mobilisations are also continuing in an ongoing process of building new institutions of popular power.”

The PLM congress adopted a “Platform of the Masses”, a transitional program aimed at the “dismantling of the rotten capitalist system and its replacement by socialism”.
This program consists of key demands around economic and political reforms that the party will campaign for. It includes the nationalisation of basic industries and services, such as electricity, oil and water; the provision of basic needs of the masses, such as land, decent housing, education, jobs and health; and the establishment of a genuine government of the masses.

Popular power

“But the political aspect of the program is crucial”, Melencio told Green Left Weekly in an extensive interview (visit for a video of the full interview).

“We want to put power into the hands of the masses. This has to happen from below through the transformation of barangay [neighbourhood] councils into barangay assemblies that can institute alternative structures to replace the congress that is dominated by the trapo [traditional politician] elite.

“The masses are tired of a system where successive people’s uprisings, such as EDSA I [1986, named after the major highway in Manila that was the site of mass demonstrations] and EDSA II [2001], which changed nothing. EDSA III was a failure and led by another trapo, “Erap” [Joseph Estrada], who wanted to return to power.

“We don’t want another EDSA where ’people’s power’ is hijacked by the elite. So we need an uprising that is headed by the masses themselves and crowned by the institution of a government of the masses.”

The forces that launched the PLM came out of an experience in a broad coalition of the left called Laban ng Masa. This alliance included most of the left except the sections associated by the Communist Party of the Philippines, a significant force that holds on to a sectarian approach to the rest of the left, according to Melencio.

This alliance operated on consensus and, unfortunately, there was no consensus on how to relate to important issues such as the Moro struggle for self-determination, the rebel soldiers movement and the commitment of serious resources to building the alliance at all levels, especially at the grassroots, Melencio said. “So we decided to form a party that could do this grassroots organising among the masses, to mobilise them in the streets and elections. However, we are still pursuing left regroupment and the PLM has an inclusive approach.”

Melencio hopes that some other groups from Laban ng Masa might join the PLM in the next few months. Well-known leaders of the broader left, including president of the University of the Philippines and Laban ng Masa chairperson Dr Francisco Nemenzo, former Akbayan Congress representative Etta Rosales, current Akbayan Congress representative Risa Hontiveros and long-time left militant Ric Reyes delivered greetings to the PLM congress in person.

Rebel soldiers movement

The major alliance the PLM is building is with a group of military rebels who launched a failed uprising in 2007. Melencio has been visiting the rebel military leaders in detention and discussing the possibility of them joining the PLM. Some have already expressed their willingness to join or support the PLM.

The PLM congress received a message of support from imprisoned Brigadier-General Danilo Lim, a widely respected leader of the rebel soldiers movement. “Some of the military rebel groups are in full agreement with the PLM platform. In fact, the platform of the PLM is based on a platform put forward by the Young Officers Union for New Government (YOUNG)”, said Melencio.

“They asked us to comment on it, during the days of Laban ng Masa, and we developed it into the Platform of the Masses. We have some more things to discuss, including how to explain socialism to the ranks of the soldiers.” Melencio said that some of the rebel soldiers had been studying the Venezuelan revolution and reading about Hugo Chavez and “socialism for the 21st century”. The PLM has been discussing putting forward Lim as its presidential candidate in 2010.

There were international observers PLM at the inaugural congress from the Japan Confederation of Railway Workers Union, the Swedish Left Party, the Democratic Socialist Perspective of Australia and the Ceylon Bank Employees Union. Solidarity greetings from These Were presented groups and other international parties Including the Socialist Party of Malaysia (PSM), Papernas from Indonesia and the Revolutionary Workers' Party (POR, Spain), Which emailed greetings.

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The LCR melts to form the new anticapitalist party (NPA)

In those days there was the founding congress of the New French anticapitalist party, preceded by the dissolution of the Revolutionary Communist League, which is the main organization responsible. carry a dispatch on the subject of France, published sul sito della stessa League.

La Plaine-Saint-Denis (Seine-Saint-Denis), February 5, 2009 (AFP) - Revolutionary Communist League (LCR) of Olivier Besancenot was officially dissolved on Thursday after 40 years of existence, to create the New anti-capitalist party (NPA) whose founding congress opens Friday. The dissolution was passed by show of hands, to 87.1% of the votes of some 150 delegates, was a journalist from AFP. 11.5% voted against, the remaining 1.4% abstained. Some timid applause after the vote. "We have already been dissolved twice government (in 1969 and 1973, ed), this time it's us, "amused himself earlier in the day, Alain Krivine, one of the founders of the AFA." It does not dissolve as as we continue the revolutionary struggle with a much more suitable than the CRL because "a party, unlike a cult, not an end in itself", he added, saying " enthusiastic and happy. "face" failure of capitalism "and the decline of the French Communist Party (PCF), the new party, who will not join the Trotskyist Fourth International, is" an essential anti-capitalist force tomorrow, "he assured M . Krivine. Le NPA, dont le congrès fondateur se tient de vendredi à dimanche à la Plaine-Saint-Denis (Seine-Saint-Denis), revendique environ 9.000 militants (contre 3.200 à la LCR). Il s’agit de "prendre le meilleur des traditions du mouvement ouvrier, qu’elles soient trotskistes, socialistes, communistes, libertaires, guévaristes" ou issues de l’écologie radicale, affirme Olivier Besancenot qui n’est "pas venu avec une gerbe de fleurs" et dit ne ressentir "ni émotion ni nostalgie" pour l’"enterrement" de la LCR, créée en 1969. Dans les allées du congrès, la nostalgie n’était en effet pas vraiment palpable même si quelques-uns ont critiqué une dissolution made "within hours", like Christian Picquet, the minority party, which laments a "botched debate, sent in haste" in a "gloomy atmosphere. Wishing to enter the NPA of people who, even if they had any ideas close to the LCR, dared not join "because of its history," Mr. Besancenot, 34, 20 of which passed to the CSF has reported being "very, very proud" of the legacy of the League. Founded in April 1969, the Communist League, LCR become late 1974, marked the left and has trained dozens of men and women politicians, as the Socialists Henri Weber, Julien Dray, François Rebsamen, Pierre Moscovici, Sophie Bouchet-Petersen ou David Assouline. Lors du congrès fondateur, les quelques 600 à 700 délégués du NPA devront notamment décider du nom de la nouvelle formation et de son éventuelle participation à un "front de gauche" avec le Parti communiste français et le Parti de Gauche lors des européennes de juin.

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The Constituent Congress of the Parti de gauche: no "oltrismo and Front left the international Trotskyist currents European

Sul recente Congresso costituente del Parti de Gauche riporto quanto scritto da Bruno Steri sul rito di Rifondazione Comunista

di Bruno Steri
(Responsabile Europa Prc-Se)

“Ci dicono: prima di redistribuire, occorre produrre la ricchezza. Them! Multinationals who have put on weight and a handful of rich in the world! "," Fellow citizens, we want to radically change our society are not willing to start to produce no matter what, no matter how ... "" We believe in revolutions where you vote as in Venezuela, like Bolivia, "" Our philosophy is that of the Enlightenment, the Republic, left, with a specific goal: to unite the left to defeat neoliberalism, "or" the Socialist Party say: Do not shake the useful vote . The only useful vote is what will bring in the European Parliament deputies clearly contrary to the Treaty of Lisbon. " These are some jokes with cui Jean-Luc Mélenchon ha concluso il congresso del suo partito: lo ha fatto con una dialettica scaltra e vivace, che coniuga il furore iconoclasta con richiami illuministici e repubblicani (di quelli che scaldano i cuori del patriottismo francese); e che, al contempo, colloca questo transfuga del Ps nel campo della sinistra anticapitalista.

In una struttura periferica situata a sud di Parigi, da venerdì a domenica scorsi, il Parti de Gauche (PdG) ha celebrato il suo “congresso costituente”: una forza politica che, appena nata, conta sul contributo di 4mila militanti (ma il trend è in ascesa) e che, essendosi staccata solo un paio di mesi fa dal Partito socialista, ha trovato un suo spazio nella gauche anticapitalistica French. In the large conference room, the climate is of great moments. But, in general, is the political situation Alps showing clear signs of awakening to the forces of the left and offers substantial opportunities. France has just seen mobilize two million and half people, called the general strike by all the main trade unions, again united against the cuts of Sarkozy and his handling of the crisis: as was also noted in our press, there were squares all sectors of society. Not surprisingly, the explanatory memorandum to the Congress paid tribute to this extraordinary day strike, the unions explicitly thanked for their determination and their unequivocal volontà di lotta. Per comprendere quanto il quadro politico francese sia oggi spostato a sinistra rispetto al nostro, è sufficiente considerare la presenza nel corteo parigino della stessa segretaria del Ps, Martine Aubry. Da noi, al contrario, un pezzo di sindacato firma accordi separati con padroni e governo; e il segretario del maggior partito di centro-sinistra tace davanti ad un’operazione regressiva che tenta di isolare e mortificare il più grande sindacato italiano.

Ma è il tema dell’Europa a marcare la più visibile distanza. Mentre in Italia, al livello dell’opinione diffusa, tale questione è sostanzialmente evanescente, in Francia essa coincide con il nervo scoperto di un referendum tradito. In France has voted, and was voted "No" to the European Treaty. This allowed the forces of the left root of this issue to the heart of political debate. And today, the knowledge gained in the referendum battle is fully available to give backbone to the forthcoming electoral contest ("80% of French laws are transcriptions of European directives"). So - in addition to the proposed policy of the Left Front for the next elections mainland - analytical and programmatic terms, the crisis of capitalism and Europe have quite naturally been the lynchpin of the debate and congressional documents; intransigence rejection of the Lisbon Treaty ("certified copy of the Constitutional Treaty rejected in 2005) has driven the whole debate. Passes here eminently the same criticism of the Socialist Party, "accomplice" in the approval of the said Treaty, photocopy. As mentioned, the radical critique of this Europe, "authoritarian and liberal construction" has become intertwined with that of the existing capitalist system and the historical necessity of his passing: a need made even more imperative by dramatic emergency (social, democratic, environmental ) induced by precipitating the crisis. On this, the position of the GP seemed very clear: "It is not out of the crisis raising capitalism, giving breath to the mechanisms that lead to social disaster and a terrible environmental crisis. " It should offer an alternative to capitalism, another horizon, indicating the transitions that lead. " It will not be a walk: "The left will not convince the financial capital to make what he has extorted through amiable discussion between people of good company." But it must be popular sovereignty to determine the spread of what corresponds to the 'general interest': just as is happening in Latin America, Venezuela, in Bolivia.

Based on these general guidelines, the documents submitted alla discussione hanno articolato il programma del partito (da proporre successivamente ad un’eventuale coalizione elettorale). Innanzitutto, sul versante interno, quello delle concrete risposte alla crisi sociale. La ricchezza c’è: tant’è che le imprese francesi, nel 2007, hanno incamerato 650 miliardi di utili. Contrariamente a quello che fa il Ps, occorre intervenire con decisione e presto sugli squilibri di classe, proponendo misure strutturali a livello nazionale ed europeo. Anche sul versante esterno, il PdG non sembra fare sconti: neanche ad Obama. Gli Stati Uniti - ha infatti osservato la responsabile del dipartimento sui problemi internazionali - si sono resi responsabili dell’azzeramento del diritto internazionale; and the theory of the clash of civilizations and the war on terrorism have actually "made a new dress" imperialism. Although different from Bush, Obama does not deny these pseudo-theories and reinforce its troops in Afghanistan.

the cry of "Unity, unity!", The congress approved the appeal for the Left Front in the forthcoming European. The French CP has already accepted the invitation: el'ovazione bestowed by the delegates to the Communist secretary Marie-George Buffet has symbolically sealed the agreement. The decision is now up to the hitherto reluctant Olivier Besancenot, leader of the new anticapitalist party (NPA), which has collected and refurbished legacy Ligue Communist Révolutionnaire, which will celebrate its congress in the next week-end. A Besancenot has directly addressed Mélanchon: "Do not ask me untie your NPA. You say that there are things that distinguish you from us. Confirmation: we disagree on some things from you. But, in fact, we do not want a merger, but a union between different forces. " Nothing oltrismi, therefore, no overruns. And no divisions. So you try to build unity. And it builds on well-defined points. Mélanchon indicates two, in particular: clear rejection of the Treaty of Lisbon and located on the left of the parliamentary group of the European Ps. Unity in respect of identity and clarity of content: This is the road trying to take the French left. And a survey by the possible ressemblement to 14.5% ...

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ATHEIST NO! Answering Repubblica.it

Yesterday, after weeks of campaign against an upcoming film, the press finally hear our voice. But as usual constructs obscuring the news that the thickness is behind a particular action.

Repubblica.it defines our association, VeraLibertà, "ultra-Catholic." It distorts the message delivered by the campaign "NO ATHEIST!" Decontextualizing few sentences of our first press release dated January 26.

so we feel the need to clarify.

First, our campaign is motivated by two reasons:

1. put up a poster showing the highest authorities of the three religions as monkeys abrimitiche offends all, or most, of believers

2. the release of a film that ridicules religions out to us as believers

a result, requests that we have advanced, with regard to the manifesto, appealed to the Code of Advertising dell'Autodisciplina Italian, and, As regards the film, viewing by prior associations "religious" and the competent authorities (Commission for Cinema).

So far our requests have fallen on deaf ears. We hope that the visibility achieved in recent days will prove fruitful to the establishment of a dialogue between us and the house of film distribution in question.

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Censorship? No, thanks

We had decided to vacate the publication of the comments to the post, unfortunately expired in tone than the mere offense, if not free of curse.
In any case we continue to publish your feedback (only moderate against blasphemy) so draw well from the picture. Most of the people who took part in these days it has not expressed a willingness to dialogue.

We will continue to post your comments in the hope that we can create a constructive dialogue.

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"ATHEIST NO!" takes to the streets

these days for our cities have grown Religiolus the posters of the film. The iron supports
encountered while walking along the sidewalks are home to the obvious fact in pairs or triples.

We sadly realized that the only way to make our voices heard now is to use the same medium to convey our message.

We therefore took to the streets, leaving una traccia forte della nostra campagna.